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CLASS AND ETHNICITY: Post 10B of A Personal Archaeology

26 Monday Mar 2012

Posted by Waldo "Wally" Tomosky in Archaeology

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abstraction of extension, abstractoin of levels of generality, abstracton of vantage point, Archaeology, Benjamin Birdsall, Birdsall, Chenango Canal, Chenango County, Chenango County NY, class, dialectical research, educational, ethnicity, Henry Birdsall, Louann Wurst, NSF, public policy, spatial research, surface artifacts, temporal research, Town of Greene

POST 10B   CLASS AND ETHNICITY (Continued)

An early apology.  I found that I could not cut and past the matrices necessary for this post. Therefore I had to copy my PC screen and past it to the post. This leaves the some of the matrices looking divided. I must ask you to join them together mentally. This should not be too difficult considering that the words within the intersections logically join them together. My deepest apologies in advance.

ABSTRACTS OF EXTENSION

The following set of matrices are those that would assist in breaking down relationships and processes.  The subject of extension must also delve into how people may unconsciously have extended their class/ethics to their children and subsequent generations.To what degree might the agent (person making change) have been willing to:

            I would therefore suggest that the readers review all of the data found in the appendices and then modify or add to the above questions if they so choose.

            COMPARISON

            Social/Ethnicity

            The comparison of the two families with respect to social class and ethnicity is simply that Benjamin Birdsall and his descendants operated in a different social structure than Henry Birdsall and his family.

            Benjamin’s family obviously operated in a wider social structure than Henry. However Henry may have operated at a deeper social level. I am obviously defining a two-dimensional concept of social relations.  I am very reluctant to establish levels of social structure, without establishing depth.

            However, one would establish levels of socioeconomic structure;  Low, Middle,  and Upper Class    (and other intermediate levels if one so chooses).

            Henry’s social level appears to be one of spiritual-kinship and there may be no higher social level when one considers the continuity of humankind. Benjamin’s social level appears to lean more towards a socioeconomic level and therefore, in my opinion, does not have the depth of Henry’s singular social level. Allow me to explain.

            If one is considering ethnic/culteral continuity in Henry’s strategy (albeit unrecognized by him as a strategy), his practices supported that continuity, a continuity that demotes conflict and promotes interpersonal relationships on a purely social and spiritual level.

            If one is considering social/economic continuity in Benjamin’s strategy (and I am sure that Benjamin would have a conscious strategy) his practices supported that continuity, a continuity that faces conflict head on and promotes interpersonal relationships on a mutual-benefit basis.

            Socioeconomic Levels

            Regarding socioeconomic levels Henry appears, from the inventory of personal property established at his death, to have accumulated more than Benjamin. The anomaly in this comparison is that Benjamin’s Last Will and Testament is missing. Any real property would have been listed in that document. Therefore Benjamin’s economic accumulations may have been based in real-estate, and that may well have been quite significant.

            Economic Continuity

            On the other hand Benjamin’s family appears to have expanded their economic holdings while the economic holdings of Henry’s family appear to have dwindled.

            Due to the luck of the draw it also appears that Benjamin’s descendants had a continuity of male heirs while Henry’s descendants leaned more towards female.  The Birdsall name, carried on by Henry’s male heirs, died out within three generations. The Birdsall name, carried on by Benjamin’s male heirs, expanded and grew. This may lead to a perception of economic growth supported by the continuity of the family name. Only additional studies would carry this to a sufficient end.

© Copyright – Waldo Tomosky

CLASS AND ETHNICITY: Post 10A of A Personal Archaeology

24 Saturday Mar 2012

Posted by Waldo "Wally" Tomosky in Archaeology, Educational

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abstraction of extension, abstractoin of levels of generality, abstracton of vantage point, Archaeology, Benjamin Birdsall, Birdsall, Chenango Canal, Chenango County, Chenango County NY, class, dialectical research, educational, ethnicity, Henry Birdsall, Louann Wurst, NSF, public policy, spatial research, surface artifacts, temporal research, Town of Greene

CLASS AND ETHNICITY  (10A)

Well there he goes already. He is now introductiing “sub-posts.” What the heck is going on now?  Allow me to explain.

How does one go about FACTUALLY determining the class and ethnicity of people who lived two hundred years ago?

The problem is magnified by the fact that only a smattering of artifacts are available to make this determination.

Perhaps a few ideas selected from various studies may help us.

“A common scenario can be defined as follows:  historical research is undertaken to identify the occupants of a property; these occupants are identified by class (i.e., occupation or income); this class is then ‘tested’ archaeologically based on the cost of ceramics or sometimes meat cuts, assuming a direct relationship between cost and status.”

Louann Wurst, critiques the above statement in her article: “Internalizing Class in Historical Archaeology”, Historical Archaeology, 1999, Wurst references; Miller 1980, 1991,; Schultz and Gust 1983; Shepard 1987

This concept of identifying class and ethnicity, as Wurst continues, has taken us to the point where “class as a dynamic concept has ossified”. In other words the study of the dynamics of class has been petrified by ideology. Preconceived notions of class, based on artifacts imbuing ideology, is not dynamic.

Allow me to explain. Anyone trying to identify a class or ethnicity of people must be careful not to use their own points of reference. This is easily (and often) done when looking at artifacts that may tie in with the observers own ideology. Or it may occur due to other preconceived notions.

I am not saying that the observer should abandon everything that he or she has learned. I am saying that we have to be careful about ideological creep.

Wurst offers a solution;

“Dialectical research * focuses on the whole of real lived experience – – – the simple recognition that all thinking about reality begins by breaking it down into manageable parts.”

* Dialectical research:

Researching the process of change in which its fulfillment is realized by its opposite.

A simpler way of stating this is to look at the problem from both sides, not just your point of view. And maybe there are several other points of view to take into consideration.

Example:    The study of a marriage, where husband and wife, as they change, with and for each other, over the years, results in their fulfillment of each other. The change of one, for better or worse, is often offset or enhanced by a change in the other.

But wait, how about the children’s point of view? Children certainly have an impact on a marriage. There are many other points of view that can be looked at to determine how a marriage survived or did not survive. The same is true for historical archaeology.

Therefore, there must be several ways of looking at a 200 year old family to determine their class and ethnicity.

Wurst’s point is earnestly taken and may well be the solution to a dilemma facing this study. That dilemma is; how does one go about identifying ‘class or ethnicity’ with a limited collection of artifacts? The artifacts available for this site are very limited.

They are severely limited in two ways:

Temporally (time period): they only cover 10% of the total period of the 100 year occupancy, approximately 1890 to 1900

Spatially (geographical distribution): they only came from 25% of the total homesites that existed.

STATISTIC TOTAL for the site/time period: 10% of the time period for 25% of the homesites equals a statistical 2.5% of the available data. That is only 2 ½% of all that may have been available. It does not give much credence to the study.

The insignificance of the artifacts becomes worse when you consider that only “surface artifacts” were selected. What are we to do?

            Wurst’s statement regarding “breaking it down into manageable parts” has an additional appeal.

Sir Isaac Newton used the same concept in calculus. Calculus is the breaking down of a problem into manageable parts. Calculus also includes a concept of ‘limits’, that is; a ‘lower limit’ defines where the problem begins and an ‘upper limit’ that identifies the endpoint.

In this study there is no formula (or artifacts) to identify gender, work, class and ethnicity.

This research depended on documentation for the study of spatial (geographical) and temporal (time period) ‘limits’.  Therefore the title of the original paper became:

“The Birdsalls – the calculus of two classes;  a comparative study of class, work, gender and continuity in two nineteenth-century family settings; Rural and Village”

As Wurst states “- – the content of commonly named relations such as family, kinship, the forces and relations of production, class, or ideology [must have] reference to concrete empirical phenomena – -.”  Wurst may have missed one major relationship in this collection of dialectical forces; and that relationship is Public Policy. Public Policy has two dialectical parts, those who make (or enforce) public policy and those who are impacted by (or resist) the results of that policy.

The success or failure of any public policy is dependent not only on its acceptance, but also on the level of its acceptance. Public policies that have been marginally accepted are, most likely, of no value to those who made that policy and a definite detriment to those who have to live by it.

Therefore attaining some level of acceptance ends up being a give-and-take scenario where the whole, or fulfillment, may be exactly what was intended; or in some sad cases, what was unintended. Most likely the answer lies somewhere between the two.

The collective public policy, as we know it today, has been dialectically pushed and pulled by a variety of  conservative and liberal “think tanks”, public action committees, research papers funded by corporations, research papers funded by the National Science Foundation and some research papers funded by the  state. All of these modify our individual modes of living to the point where most of us could hardly imagine.

Public policy in nineteenth century Chenango County was pushed and pulled by local agents of change. However, the effects on the average resident was not much different than today. This study has dealt with the comparison of two families deeply affected by public policy and the ways in which their family culture embraced or struggled with its effects.

The study of class and ethnicity however, is defined in the “breaking it down into its manageable parts.”  Therefore, I will not use the “events” to describe the classes but will use events as the ‘trigger mechanism’ that ignites reactions. These reactions may then be used to define class and ethnicity.

Calculus is an abstraction. The calculus of class is likewise an abstraction. The advantage of abstractions is that it assists us in removing preconceived notions and ideology. As human beings we are never free of preconceived notions or ideology; however, we should always recognize them for traps that they can become.

How would we use Wurst’s definition of three abstractions? First, let us review them:

A Summarization of Wurst:

“1. The abstraction of extension:  abstracting relations or processes that extend from events rather than events or results themselves.

Example:   What may the actions that people pursue based on a specific event?

2. The abstraction of levels of generality:    abstracting the level of a person’s uniqueness. What is generally true about this person?

  • abstracting people as a level in a particular context
  • abstracting people within the context of capitalism
  • abstracting levels of a class society
  • abstracting all that humans have in common
  • abstracting the base needs of humans
  • abstracting the material part of nature

3. The abstraction of vantage point: abstracting the point of view or the vantage point of each side of the same relation. Dialectical relationships represent the whole and both sides must be examined.” 

            I propose using matrix diagrams to break down these abstractions into manageable parts. These will define processes, levels and points of view.

Each person represented in the matrix has a chosen limitation. These limitations are:

  • Willingness (a self-imposed limitation)
  • Ability (a natural limitation)

Willingness is modified by how that person wishes to act or how that person has been taught to act.

Ability is modified by a persons mental or physical capabilities and may also be limited by the available opportunities.

This ends the first post. What have we discussed?

First, due to our natural leanings to see others as being part of our own world it is necessary to leave some of our pre-conceived notions at the doorstep.

Second, we must not look at the actual events of the time period but rather the possible reactions of the players to those events.

Third, we must find the best way to make the research unemotional. I believe using a matrix may allow us to look at these events and players unemotionally.

 (HEY CAPTAIN – – -This is Dr. Spock – –  Beam My Unemotional Self Up).

© Copyright – Waldo Tomosky

ECONOMIC CONDITIONS: Phase 7 of a Private Archaeology

18 Sunday Mar 2012

Posted by Waldo "Wally" Tomosky in Archaeology, Educational, Historical

≈ 3 Comments

Tags

Archaeology, Benjamin Birdsall, Chauncy Rogers, Chenango Canal, Chenango County, David Davis, educational, famine, Gloudy Hamilton, Henry Birdsall, History, Lt. Col. Benjamin Birdsall, passenger pigeons, Peter Garnsey, Polly Garnsey, public policy, Thomas Tew, year without a summer, yellow fever

                                    ECONOMIC CONDITIONS

The economic conditions that Henry Birdsall and his family experienced were at first controlled by nature, later by public policy, and in the end by economical depression that was the unintended consequence of a series of public policies.

Henry Birdsall moved his family to Greene about 1812, settled on the east side of the Chenango River and purchased the property on April 29, 1815 from Peter B. and Polly Garnsey.

(For documentation see Appendix G, Property Specific Records)

ECONOMIC CONDITIONS CONTROLLED BY NATURE

The economic conditions that the Henry Birdsall family encountered over the first few years were the results of their own productivity; however the economics were drastically effected by nature. Clearing enough ground to plant a few grain products/tubers and building shelter for the family and animals must have utilized all of Henry’s time. It would seem natural that the family would have had at least one gun that would help them harvest the abundant deer, turkey and bear. However, guns were not present on Henry’s itemized list of personal property upon his death.

Quite remarkably, among the items of personal property was listed a bible, but neither Henry or Henry [Jr.] could read. Does this combination of the absence of one item of survival, a gun, and the presence of one item of conspicuous religious beliefs, a bible, tell us more than what is on the surface? If Henry and his male heirs were pacifists, which this combination may point out, this ethnic trait may have placed self-limitations on the manner in which they approached various economic opportunities. This aspect of ethnicity, possibly Quakerism, which we will discuss in another section of this paper, could have wide ranging consequences on the micro-economy of the family.

At this point in the life of the Henry Birdsall weather conditions were synonymous with economic conditions. As mentioned in the section on Modes of Production Henry did raise rye, wheat, potatoes, and corn. He also tended to cows, calves and pigs. When the weather was playing to his favor the economic conditions were enough to survive.

In 1816 a phenomenon occurred that could terminate the Birdsall family for good.

“NOTE: The year 1816 has been known as the ‘year without a summer.’ It was the coldest year ever known, with frosts or snow each month of the year. No crops matured and prices of provisions soared. The average price of flour was $3 per barrel. People suffered with hunger and near famine resulted. Old seed corn from the 1815 crop sold in 1817 for $5 per bushel but, fortunately, bumper crops were harvested in 1817 – – -.” (See Appendix F, Greene History)

Some fresh game may have helped the family get through that winter because although they may not have owned a gun there were passenger pigeons. These pigeons would serve as food and as a product that could be sold in order to get them through these poor economic times.

“Netting [passenger] pigeons was a popular sport and the game birds were brought [to Binghamton] and sold. They were caught in nets fastened to two bent saplings which         were released at the right time to hold the catch. The merchant who did not have a large stock of dressed birds in barrels or strung by their bills on a string for display, was rare. They were considered excellent meat and townspeople bought four or five at a for pigeon pies.” 

(“Rafts to Railroads”, by Mildred English Cochrane, copyright 1967)

{Also;  See Map Section, “Pigeon Hill”, 1 mile south of Birdsall farm}

Henry had purchased the property for cash in 1815 as there was no mention of mortgage. If this is true then his harvest in 1815 was free and clear. This would not only have placed Henry in a good position for surviving but may have placed him in an advantageous one for making a high profit in 1817. One can not help but to wonder, though, if Henry would have thought first of high profits or thought first of helping a neighbor by giving him seed grain and then negotiating price at a later and less critical time in the year. (See previous section on “Mode of Production” regarding debts owed to Henry by relatives and neighbors)

The yellow fever epidemic of 1822, which killed 2,500 in New York, appears to have little effect on Henry Birdsall and his family. (See Appendix K, page K8, Making of America, “Historical Collections of New York State, Past and Present”, by John W. Barber, 1851, pub. by Clark, Austin & Co., Broadway)

(THE UPSIDE OF ECONOMICS CONTROLLED PUBIC POLICY)

Economic conditions in the 1830’s improved drastically with the advent of the Chenango Canal, a much debated subject during the late 1820s and 30s. Political action committees made up of prominent citizens along the Chenango River continued to press for the construction of the canal realizing that it would bring economic life to their areas. Short term economic advantages were available from the construction and long term economics were touted, expecting benefits from the continuing trade. The current New York State Governor at that time was Enos T. Throop. His concern over the exhausted condition of the general fund and his foresight with regards to the upkeep and short life of the canal would not make it feasible. Gov. Throop predicted that competition from railroads would drastically shorten the expected life of the canal. (See Appendix K, Making of America, “Lives of the Governors of the State of New York”, by John S. Jenkins, 1851, pub. by Derby and Miller, Auburn).

The approval for the canal was given after Governor Marcy was elected. Economic benefits that have been documented show the following influx of money to Henry Birdsall, his family and neighbors:  

Henry Birdsall           $30.00 for moving a barn from the path of the canal

                                  $133.31 for building a new fence

Thomas Tew *          $62.50 for building a sluice around lock #34

Gloudy Hamilton *   $464 for building a wooden culvert on a creek

                                    $212.62 for building a new fence

Chauncy Rogers *      $?/per day  as a workman on repair of a dam

 David D. Davis        $139.28 for constructing a sluice around lock #29

                                   $164.25 for constructing a new fence

TOTAL =    at least $1,206

* Henry Birdsall’s sons-in-law

Not taken into consideration is the money that Henry Birdsall, his family and his neighbors may have made for selling the real estate for canal right-of-way as it passed through their land.

An additional economic advantage that has not been quantified in the documentation is the amount of stone that was removed from the quarries. The first quarry (lower elevation) is 10 meters wide by 50 meters long. The depth varies but an average depth would be about 3 meters.  Calculations yield about 1,500 cubic meters of stone that have been removed. The second quarry (higher up the dug road) is 15 meters wide by 30 meters long consisting of three shelves, each being 3 meters deep. These calculations yield another estimated 2,250 cubic meters of stone.  Utilizing a 50% waste factor yields a total of over 1,800 cubic meters of stone, a sizable economic prize for Henry and the workers that extracted it, not to mention the money earned for cutting it to size and laying up the walls of the lock.

Multiply this by the number of locks and aqueducts located between Greene and Chenango Forks for an idea of how the canal affected the economy in this small area.

Regarding materials such as the raw stone from the quarries and what is listed above as a minor portion of what canal construction did for the immediate community, there is the following that depicts the additional lifting of the economy for those along the canal route:

“Most of the material used was purchased locally, but many immigrant laborers were employed to supplement local labor. Farmers with their teams welcomed the opportunity to earn $1.50 per day”   (See Appendix F, Greene History)

Henry Birdsall died in 1838, soon after the canal opened. His sons Henry and Horace continued to live on the farm as the canal boats eased on past their homes.

Economic opportunity continued to emanate from the repairs to the locks. Lumber and stone continued to be needed for these repairs. Horace died in 1850, 12 years after his father, and Henry [Jr.] lived until 1879.

Henry [Jr.] was able to see the total life of the canal as the economies tended to “Rise and Descend” just as the title of Michelle McFees book describes it. (See Appendix J, Miscellaneous Book Extracts)

The Canal SUCCOMBS TO THE RAILROAD

(THE DOWNSIDE OF ECONOMICS CONTROLLED BY PUBLIC POLICY)

In 1869 Maurice Birdsall (Grandson of Lt. Col. Benjamin Birdsall) as President of the Greene Railroad Company was engaged in a bitter dispute with the Smithville (Flats) Railroad company. Ethical misconduct and bribery by officers of the Smithville company almost cost Greene the loss of a railroad through their town.

Considering the deteriorating business state of the Chenango Canal, this would have been a blow to Greene’s economy. (See Appendix F, Greene History)

This particular public policy, based more on individualistic capitalism than on government action, brought the railroad to Greene. This was an economic boom to the village and rural families alike. A village rail station was built on the east side of the river and dairy stops were built between the village of Greene and Chenango Forks.

The bad news for Henry Birdsall’s descendants was that the railroad crossed to the other side of the river a mile north of them. The railroad served almost everyone in the Township of Greene except for the few families located on the southern 2 -3 miles of Stillwater Road.

This was an economic blow to the Birdsalls. Their canal transportation to Greene and Binghamton was gone and the railroad would not serve them. Their goods had to be transported by team four miles north or south; and then loaded onto the train.

Economic opportunity in the form of working for wages in the factories of Greene and Binghamton was not available on a daily basis. A trip to Binghamton would require them to find rental rooming for the week. Any wages made would be degraded by the cost of “room and board”.

Most likely it would be just as profitable to work the farm and raise a few animals. The new economy worked against the descendants of Henry Birdsall in this southeastern corner of Greene, however, it worked well for the descendants of Lt. Col. Benjamin Birdsall who lived in the village and did business there.

The economy of the Birdsall farm appears to have dwindled along with the dwindling number of small farms that were eking out a living during that period; to wit;

“Nineteenth- and Early Twentieth- Century Domestic Site Archaeology in New York State” edited by John P. Hart and Charles L. Fisher, Published by NYS Museum, 2000

“The Farmhouse View: The Porter Site, by Sean M. Rafferty

Page 128         [First paragraph under heading “Nineteenth-Century Farming”]

“The nineteenth century saw profound changes in the lives of New York farmers, as technological innovations sparked a shift toward industrial farming. This undercut the family-based rural farmers who had dominated agriculture until the mid-nineteenth century. Construction of the canal system and railroads made it easier and more profitable for farmers to get the products to urban markets (Barron 1984:3), but also resulted in a shift of agricultural production away from New York State. The growth of urban industrial production with wage-paying jobs stimulated a migration from rural areas to urban centers (Gibb 1994); many took the opportunity to escape from the routine of the family farm, while others remained to carry on the farming tradition. Some farmers were adversely affected by shifting markets,  while others actually saw an improvement in their economic situation (McMurry 1995). All were forced to make choices in order to adapt to changing circumstances, and these choices can be analyzed from their material consequences and from documentary evidence.

Epinetus Birdsall, grandson of Henry, died in Preston, NY in the year 1893. No known relatives lived in Preston. However, this is the home of the old “Chenango County Poorhouse” now operating as Preston Manor. Records of his death in this institution reflect a “Nathan” Birdsall. It has been proven through other records that Epinetus and Nathan are one and the same person.

Epinetus had been renamed by the state!

(THE Implications of Gender on Economics)

We will see from the last will and testament of Henry Birdsall that the women of the family inherited some nominal amount of money while the male heirs inherited the real estate. (See Appendix D, Surrogate Records)

By 1890 there were not many male descendants of Henry remaining. As noted above, Henry’s two sons Horace and Henry [Jr.] had died in 1850 and 1879 respectively. John (Henry [Jr.]s son) died in 1881. The remaining male descendent of Henry Birdsall who still carried the surname was Epinetus Birdsall. Epinetus had one son George McClellan Birdsall but he had died as a two year old infant in 1867.

The remaining members of the family were females who took on the husbands surname. Therefore, the remaining members of the family had surnames of Turner, Delamarter, and Burrows. The real estate shifted back and forth between these remaining members. Each shift included a division of the property or a repackaging of previous divisions. This continued on until 1929 when a tragedy occurred.

Three members of one family, the mother, father and a daughter all died within one week of each other. The property ownership shifted, once more removed to another level from the original Birdsalls. This occurred at a time when money was scarce and times were tough.

(THE EFFECTS OF THE ECONOMIC DEPRESSION)

The depression and the devaluing of farm property that accompanied it placed the Birdsall property in a difficult position; not being able earn enough to pay for itself.

The oil rich City of Bradford, Pennsylvania dispatched a trustee, Jack Cleaves, who saw a potential value deep in the earth of Chenango County. This city, operating as a capitalistic entity, recognized a cluster of economically desperate people who had title to this potentially valuable land. The City of Bradford bought the property, withdrew the gas, oil and mineral rights {in perpetuity} and promptly sold the surface rights to a Broome County resident.

(For documentation on the above three paragraphs see Appendix G, Property Specific Records)

(THE SAME ECONOMIC ERA EXPERIENCED IN THE VILLAGE)

Lt. Col. Benjamin Birdsall continued to be an active agent in various capitalistic pursuits. For example; founding businesses that took advantage of the more stable economy based on the needs of the residents in the village; a clothing works and a grist mill on the Genegantslet River.

His descendants were active agents in getting approval for the canal and establishing the company that founded the railroad.

Activities, that may well have been planned around these transportation links include:

  • a bank,
  • a butter depot,
  • various real estate dealings
  • professional services

(See Appendices C & F, Newspapers and Greene History, respectively)

Comparison:

Henry Birdsall and his descendants worked within the economy that was given to them. Their economic condition was tied to their original modes of production: farming, quarrying, and miscellaneous labor intensive activities. They appear to have made a conscious decision to keep a continuity in their lifestyle and, in fact, struggled, economically, in order to maintain that lifestyle.

Lt. Col. Benjamin Birdsall and his descendants were active agents in transforming the economy around them, and thereby, transformed themselves, intentionally or not.

© Copyright – Waldo Tomosky

 

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